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<text id=94TT0806>
<title>
Jun. 20, 1994: Russia:A Voice in the Wilderness
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Jun. 20, 1994 The War on Welfare Mothers
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
RUSSIA, Page 46
A Voice in the Wilderness
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn preaches his message of moral
renewal in the hinterlands, but will Moscow listen?
</p>
<p>By John Kohan/Moscow--With reporting by David Aikman/Khabarovsk
</p>
<p> One by one, they came up to the microphone and addressed
the bearded man sitting onstage with his wife and two sons.
</p>
<p> "How do you see the future of our culture?" asked a
teacher from the local Railroad Institute. "Is there a danger
of extreme nationalism?"
</p>
<p> "Thank you for deciding to return to us at the most
difficult moment in our history," said a journalist. "If you
meet Boris Yeltsin, let him know he should do more to build up
Russia."
</p>
<p> "They don't know what is going on in Russia," complained
a lawyer. "The bureaucracy is tainted by the mafia. If something
is not done, Russia will perish."
</p>
<p> Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Nobel-prizewinning novelist and
freshly returned exile to Russia, sat in the Musical Comedy
Theater of the Far Eastern city of Khabarovsk and carefully
jotted down their comments in a black notebook. He had chosen
to return to Moscow via a long cross-country train trip lasting
several weeks, stopping in towns along the way to greet the
locals and listen to their complaints. When he arrived later at
Blagoveshchensk, he was surprised to see 200 well-wishers. "I
didn't expect there would be so many people," Solzhenitsyn said.
"I say this everywhere, and I want to repeat it to you: The
future is in our hands."
</p>
<p> But what kind of future? In a country where the idols and
ideals of the past have been shattered, Solzhenitsyn, at 75,
remains a moral authority for millions of Russians: one man who
stood up against the totalitarian state and survived. During
nearly two decades in a sylvan Vermont retreat, he has been
preparing for the end of communism and nurturing his own vision
of a new Russia.
</p>
<p> So it was perhaps only appropriate that Solzhenitsyn spent
his first days traveling through the very land where millions
of victims of Stalin's purges perished in the Soviet Union's
system of forced-labor camps. In Khabarovsk he visited a large,
privately maintained cemetery. At the entrance to the graveyard,
he paid his respects at a small chapel built to commemorate
those who had perished in the totalitarianism whirlwind of the
'30s. Two young priests were reading the Orthodox "Eternal
Memory" service from a prayer book. It was one of many symbolic
moments on an odyssey that has become a kind of traveling
metaphor: himself a survivor of eight years in the Gulag,
Solzhenitsyn is recognized as the person most responsible for
bringing the crimes of that era to light. Obviously moved, he
crossed his chest repeatedly, solemnly noting the plaque on the
chapel's side that dedicates the site to the "memory of the
innocent victims of lawlessness and tyranny."
</p>
<p> Solzhenitsyn's message to Russians can be summed up in one
word: Repent! He believes deeply that Russia cannot move into
the future until it has exorcised its communist past. "In this
country, there are murderers and victims, the persecutors and
the persecuted," he says. "The murderers and the persecutors
must personally repent for what they have done." But when a
handful of Russians told him they regretted not speaking up for
him and asked for his forgiveness, Solzhenitsyn said he
"responded with a laugh that this was the smallest possible
reason for them to come up with for repentance." Russians, he
said "should be repenting far more major things." He seemed to
call for some grand legal absolution like the 1946 war-crimes
trials at Nuremberg: "We saw this in Germany when the Nazis were
tried. Their crimes were condemned not only by process of law
but in the public arena. All 250 million people ((from the
former Soviet Union)) in Russia can't do this, but the process
must begin."
</p>
<p> Although Solzhenitsyn has continually asserted, "I am not
going into politics, will not run for any office, will not
accept any position," the temptation will be great to take sides
in the cold civil war between Western-oriented reformers and
nationalist-hard-line communists. The reformers have misgivings
about Solzhenitsyn's nationalist views, but they have cautiously
welcomed his return. Hard-liners see Solzhenitsyn as a rival for
the hearts and minds of Russian "patriots," and question his
motives; he has already called ultranationalist Vladimir
Zhirinovsky "an evil caricature of a Russian patriot." The
weekly Zavtra, which speaks for hard-line nationalists, bitingly
denounced his return: "Ayatollah Khomeini has landed in
Vladivostok."
</p>
<p> Solzhenitsyn must pull off a careful balancing act if he
intends to influence the course of politics. Should he decide
to intervene in the partisan mudslinging, he risks compromising
his high moral standing. But if his solution to Russia's woes
amounts to nothing more than pious platitudes, he is in danger
of becoming irrelevant, reduced to the status of an eccentric
who has exchanged geographical exile in the West for spiritual
exile in Russia.
</p>
<p> So far, Solzhenitsyn has been a voice quite literally
crying in the wilderness. His call for Russians to set their
sights on higher things has been welcomed by enthusiastic crowds
in the hinterlands, but he faces a much tougher audience in
Moscow. Few urban sophisticates have time anymore for the
kitchen conversations about the Russian soul that were a staple
of intellectual life when Solzhenitsyn first lived in the
country. A savage commentary in the daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta
proposed what to do with this troubling revivalist preacher:
"Give him mothballs! And more mothballs! And put him to rest!"
</p>
<p> But whatever critics may think, he is certainly not afraid
to get his hands dirty or his feet wet in his quest to discover
modern Russia. One day he braved floodwaters to visit the small
farming community of Bichyovka, plagued by heavy rains. An old
babushka, who obviously did not know the identity of the
visitor, shrilly confronted Solzhenitsyn with a timeless, rural
Russian lament: "The roads are full of water. Why can't you do
something about it?" Said Solzhenitsyn: "I'm not an official.
I can't do anything." It was a humble admission from a literary
giant, proving the biblical dictum that prophets have no honor
in their own countries.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>